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The Journal of Neuroscience, May 15, 2001, 21(10):3564-3571
Spatiotemporal Maps of Brain Activity Underlying Word Generation
and Their Modification during Repetition Priming
Rupali P.
Dhond1, 2,
Randy L.
Buckner3,
Anders
M.
Dale2,
Ksenija
Marinkovic2, and
Eric
Halgren1, 2
1 Department of Radiology, University of Utah, Salt
Lake City, Utah 84105, 2 Nuclear Magnetic Resonance Center,
Massachusetts General Hospital, Charlestown, Massachusetts 02129, and
3 Department of Psychology, Radiology, and Anatomy and
Neurobiology, Howard Hughes Medical Institute, Washington University,
St. Louis, Missouri 63130
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ABSTRACT |
Spatiotemporal maps of brain activity based on
magnetoencephalography were used to observe sequential stages in
language processing and their modification during repetition priming.
Subjects performed word-stem completion and produced either novel or
repeated (primed) words across trials. Activation passes from primary
visual cortex (activated at ~100 msec after word presentation), to
left anteroventral occipital (~180 msec), to cortex in and near
Wernicke's (~210 msec) and then Broca's (~370 msec) areas. In
addition, a posteroventral temporal area is activated simultaneously
with posterosuperior temporal cortex. This area shows an early
(~200-245 msec) increase in activation to repeated word stems. In
contrast, prefrontal and anterior temporal regions showed activity
reductions to repeated word stems late (~365-500 msec) in
processing. These results tend to support classical models of language
and suggest that an effect of direct item repetition is to allow
word-form processing to increase its contribution to task performance
while concurrently allowing reductions in time-consuming frontal
temporal processing.
Key words:
word-stem completion; magnetoencephalography; temporal
lobe; planum temporale; prefrontal cortex; language; occipital lobe; word form
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INTRODUCTION |
Lesion-based studies of language
provide a general framework for interpreting brain activation during
verbal processing. In the classical Wernicke-Geschwind model of
language, seen words acquire meaning only after conversion into a
phonological image (i.e., only after entering the same stream as heard
words) (Geschwind, 1965 ; Benson, 1979 ). This model proposes that
initial visual processing in occipital cortex is followed by grapheme
to phoneme conversion mediated by the left angular and supramarginal
gyri. Afterward, lexical access occurs in left posterosuperior temporal
cortex (classically defined "Wernicke's area"). Left
posteroventral prefrontal cortex (classically defined "Broca's
area") is recruited last and may subserve syntax and verbal production.
This influential but incomplete early model was based on language
deficits produced by brain lesions (Benson, 1979 ). Positron emission
tomography (PET) and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI)
permit hemodynamic changes associated with processing of visually
presented words to be mapped in normal subjects. In addition to the
classical language areas (Howard et al., 1992 ; Pujol et al., 1996 ;
Phelps et al., 1997 ; Thompson-Schill et al., 1999 ), such studies
commonly find activation in occipital (Petersen et al., 1988 , 1989 ,
1990 ; Binder, 1997 ) and medial frontal (Fiez and Petersen, 1998 ) areas.
Finally, language-related activation to visual words has been found in
basal temporal areas with intracranial event-related potentials (iERPs)
(Smith et al., 1986 ; Halgren et al., 1994a ; Nobre and McCarthy,
1995 ), and electrical stimulation in these areas can cause specific
language deficits (Burnstine et al., 1990 ; Luders et al., 1991 ).
Collectively, these studies build an understanding of the network of
brain areas that subserve language processing.
To accurately characterize higher cognitive functions such as language,
however, knowledge about the timing and sequence of responses is also
needed. For example, activity within anterior occipital cortex could be
associated with word-form encoding only if it occurs early. Conversely,
medial frontal activation may be involved in response organization, so
recruitment of these areas should occur relatively late. Activity in
posteroventral prefrontal cortex, near classically defined Broca's
area, is ubiquitous and could be related to an earlier process, such as
lexical or semantic access, rather than to response production as
suggested in classical models.
Although fMRI and PET have good spatial resolutions, their
temporal resolutions are inadequate to sequence language-related brain
activity. iERPs provide accurate temporal and spatial resolution but
only in limited areas in patients with brain disease. The current study
uses magnetoencephalography (MEG) to map language-related activation in normal subjects with excellent temporal resolution and
adequate spatial resolution (Dale et al., 2000 ). A word-stem completion
task requiring word generation was chosen because it has
been well studied hemodynamically (Squire et al., 1992 ; Buckner et al.,
1995 ; Schacter et al., 1996 ; Ojemann et al., 1998 ). Furthermore, presenting just parts of words would be expected to prevent immediate lexical access and thus allow the successive stages to be more clearly
distinguished. Within the word-stem completion task, repetition priming
was used to help separate different aspects of language processing.
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MATERIALS AND METHODS |
Stem completion task. Eight normal right-handed males
viewed centrally presented three-letter word stems projected onto a screen to subtend a <5% visual angle. Using Mac Probe software (Hunt,
1994 ), word stems were presented in Geneva font as white letters on a
black background. Subjects were shown 224 word stems, with seven word
stems repeated randomly throughout the experiment. Each repeated
word stem was shown 15 times. Word stems were presented for 250 msec,
and stimulus onset asynchrony was 2.3 sec. The stimulus list was
the same as that used in previous fMRI studies (Buckner et al., 2000 )
and consisted of word stems that were selected from a pool of 288 unique three-letter word stems that each had at least five English word
completions. Between word-stem presentations, subjects fixated on a
"+" sign in the center of the screen. Word stems consisted of all
capital letters (i.e., "GRE"). Subjects were given a study block
before the experiment in which they generated words to a set of 42 word
stems. Seven word stems were repeated randomly six times and were the
same "repeated" word stems used during the actual experiment. For
the experimental phase, subjects were required to silently generate
words that began with the presented word stems. Subjects were told not
to generate words that were proper nouns.
Silent generation was requested to prevent artifacts because of
movement of oral musculature. Subjects were experienced in MEG
experiments and had been selected on the basis of reliability and
compliance with instructions. Data from previous studies using similar
covert generation procedures indicates behavioral priming highly
similar to that obtained from overt stem completion and that covert
stem completion evokes robust fMRI responses, including frontal
temporal language areas (Buckner et al., 2000 ).
MEG recording. MEG signals were recorded from 204 channels
at 0.1-100 Hz using a Neuromag instrument (4D Neuroimaging, San Diego,
CA) with orthogonal pairs of planar gradiometers at each of 102 locations over the entire scalp. Separate averages of novel and
repeated word-stem completion trials were constructed for each subject
after rejecting trials with eyeblinks or other artifacts using
amplitude criteria confirmed with visual inspection. Head movement was
minimized using a chinstrap and foam padding on the sides of the head.
Cortical surface reconstruction. Geometrical representations
for the cortical surfaces of each subject were obtained using procedures described previously (Dale and Sereno, 1993 ; Dale et al.,
1999 ; Fischl et al., 1999 ). First, high-resolution
three-dimensional T1-weighted structural images were acquired
for each subject using a 1.5T Picker Eclipse (Marconi Medical,
Cleveland, OH). Next, the cortical white matter was segmented and the
estimated border between gray and white matter was tessellated,
providing a topologically correct representation of the surface with
~150,000 vertices per hemisphere. For the inverse computation, the
cortical surface was decimated to ~3000 dipoles per hemisphere, which
is approximately equivalent to one dipole every 10 mm along the
cortical surface. Finally, the folded surface tessellation was
"inflated" to unfold cortical sulci, thereby providing a convenient
format for visualizing cortical activation patterns (Dale and Sereno,
1993 ; Dale et al., 1999 ; Fischl et al., 1999 ). For purposes of
intersubject averaging, the reconstructed surface for each subject was
morphed into an average spherical representation, optimally aligning
sulcal and gyral features across subjects but minimizing metric
distortions (Fischl et al., 1999 ).
Forward solution. The boundary element method was
used to calculate the signal expected at each MEG sensor, for each
dipole location (deMunck, 1992 ; Oostendorp and Van Oosterom, 1992 ). The computation of the MEG forward solution has been shown to only require
the inner skull boundary to achieve an accurate solution (Meijs and
Peters, 1987 ; Meijs et al., 1987 ; Hamalainen and Sarvas, 1989 ).
The MEG sensor coordinate system was aligned with the MRI coordinate
system using three head position (HPI) coils attached to the scalp
(Hamalainen et al., 1993 ). The HPI coils generate weak magnetic signals
and thus can be directly localized by the MEG sensors. The positions of
the HPI coils with respect to the subject's head (and thus MRI) were
determined by measuring multiple points (including the HPI coils) using
a Polhemus FastTrack three-dimensional digitizer (Polhemus, Colchester, VT).
Inverse solution. To estimate the time courses of cortical
activity, the noise-normalized, anatomically constrained linear estimation approach described by Dale et al. (2000) was used. This
approach is similar to the generalized least-squares or weighted minimum norm solution (Hamalainen and Ilmoniemi, 1984 ; Dale and Sereno,
1993 ), but the estimate is normalized for noise sensitivity (Dale et
al., 2000 ). The noise normalization has the effect of greatly reducing
the variation in the point-spread function between locations. This
approach provides statistical parametric maps of cortical activity,
similar to the statistical maps typically generated using fMRI or PET
data but with a temporal resolution of 5 msec or better.
Because no a priori assumptions were made about the local dipole
orientation in the current study, three components are required for
each location. A sensitivity-normalized estimate of the local current
dipole power (sum of squared dipole component strengths) at location
i is given by
where Gi is the set of (three)
dipole component indices for the ith location, and
wi denotes the ith row of
the inverse operator w (Dale and Sereno, 1993 ; Liu et al.,
1998 ; Dale et al., 2000 ). Note that, under the null hypothesis,
qi(t) is
F-distributed, with three degrees of freedom for the
numerator. The degrees of freedom for the denominator are typically
large, depending on the number of time samples used to calculate the
noise covariance matrix C. For the novel and repeated word
stems, significance thresholds were set at p < 10 8, with a full red response indicating
p < 10 11 and
p < 10 17, indicating
peak activation with a bright yellow color. For dynamic statistical
parametric maps of novel-repeat subtractions, thresholds were
p < 10 5,
p < 10 7, and
p < 10 12, respectively.
In summary, noise sensitivity-normalized cortical surface-constrained
minimum norm inverse solutions were calculated every 5 msec for every
condition and every individual. These movies were then averaged on the
cortical surface across individuals after aligning their sulcal-gyral patterns.
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RESULTS |
Generating words to novel word stems
Novel word stems evoked a robust left-lateralized MEG signal (Fig.
1). The response followed a
posterior-to-anterior sequence of cortical recruitment involving visual
processing areas, regions near classical language areas, and other
sites (Fig. 2). The earliest activation
was bilateral, first in the occipital pole (from ~100 to 125 msec)
(Fig. 2) and then in ventroanterior occipital regions (from ~125 to
145 msec) (Fig. 2). Activity was then lateralized to the left
ventroanterior occipital cortex beginning at ~150 msec, becoming
clearly lateralized from ~165 to 190 msec (Fig. 2). Activity remained
strongly biased to the left hemisphere during all subsequent time
intervals.

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Figure 1.
Sample waveforms. MEG waveforms from all 204 channels in one subject in response to novel (black
lines) and repeated (gray lines) word
stems. Signals from four pairs of gradiometers are shown in expanded
format on the left.
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Figure 2.
Estimated cortical activity patterns at different
latencies after reading word stems. Activation begins with a bilateral
visual response in posterior occipital cortex (100-125 msec) and
subsequently spreads forward in ventral occipital cortex (125-145
msec) and lateralizes to the left hemisphere (170-190 msec). It then spreads to both
posteroventral and lateral temporal areas (205-230 msec) and then
progressively involves anterior temporal (235-365 msec) and ventral
prefrontal (370-515 msec) cortices, before fading after 515 msec.
Dynamic statistical parametric maps (see Materials and Methods)
show the maximal activation during the indicated period.
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A progressive posterior-to-anterior shift of activation followed the
early ventral occipital responses. This shift began at ~195 msec, and
by ~205-230 msec, activity was prominent in posterior temporal
regions, including the planum temporale by ~210 msec, as well as
posterior segments of the superior, middle, and inferior temporal gyri,
extending to include the fusiform gyrus (Fig. 2).
In the 235-365 msec period, the response progressed further
anteriorly, encompassing lateral anterior temporal cortex and insulo-opercular regions (Fig. 2). Activity mainly involved the superior temporal sulcus and then extended broadly to include middle
and anterior levels of the superior temporal sulcus, the temporal pole,
posteroventral prefrontal cortex, and collateral sulcus. On the ventral
surface of the temporal lobe, activation was most prominent in the
inferior temporal gyrus and lateral occipitotemporal sulcus but
continued to include the fusiform gyrus. Although not shown, activation
became briefly focal in the left planum temporale at 300 msec.
Finally, from ~365 to 415 msec (Fig. 2), responses were strongest in
the planum temporale, anterior temporal cortex (laterally and
ventrally), and inferior prefrontal regions. The prefrontal activation
was most prominent in the inferior frontal gyrus, pars opercularis,
including the pars triangularis, as well as orbital cortex. The same
regions remained activated until after 500 msec; in addition, after
~415 msec, activity was again seen in posteroventral temporal cortex.
After 470 msec, activity became more bilateral, again involving mainly
orbital and ventral occipitotemporal cortex on the right. Inferior
prefrontal and anterior temporal activation was still apparent at 510 msec. Although some activation was visible for >1000 msec in some
individuals (Fig. 1), in the group average, activity was minimal
by ~550 msec.
Repetition effects
Activation movies were made from the MEG waveforms obtained by
subtracting the waveforms evoked by the repeated word stems from
those evoked by the novel word stems (Fig.
3). Activation present in the
novel-minus-repeated movies indicates significant power in the
difference waveform between these conditions at the indicated latency
and estimated location. Because power is not a signed quantity, a
single movie cannot be used to infer which condition had greater
absolute activation at any particular location and time. Instead, the
direction of that difference (i.e., which condition had greater
absolute activation at that particular location and time) can only be
inferred by comparing the activations in the nonsubtracted novel and
repeated movies. In making these comparisons, one must bear in mind
that the original (nonsubtracted) waveforms can be either positive or
negative at each point, and thus a large difference in the subtracted
waveform could arise from nonsubtracted activations that are equal in
size but opposite in polarity. Therefore, the latency of differences in
the brain response to different conditions can be directly inferred
from these maps, but interpretation of how these differences arise
requires reference to the nonsubtracted data.

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Figure 3.
Repetition effects. The earliest differential
activation (in favor of repeated word stems) is estimated to lie in
left ventral temporal cortex between 200 and 245 msec. Later
differential activation (larger to novel word stems) occurs at 365-500
msec, mainly in anterior temporal, inferior prefrontal cortex, and the
planum temporale.
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The novel-minus-repeated differences were left-lateralized and
localized to inferior ventral temporal regions, temporal pole, inferior
prefrontal cortex, superior temporal sulcus, planum temporale, and
occipitotemporal junction, in that temporal order (Fig. 3). Some areas
strongly activated by the novel and repeated word stems, notably in the
occipital lobe, showed no significant repetition effect. That is, the
effects of repetition were concentrated in more anterior cortical areas
and appeared anatomically selective for a subset of areas activated
during word-stem completion.
The earliest significant repetition-associated differences appeared in
left posteroventral temporal cortex (centered in the lateral
occipitotemporal sulcus) at ~200 msec after stimulus onset and
reflected greater activation to repeated word stems (Fig. 3,
left). The next phase of the repetition effect was
considerably later (from ~365 to 500 msec) (Fig. 3, right)
and in the opposite direction. The responses were greater to novel word
stems, moving from the temporal pole to inferior prefrontal regions by
~420 msec and to superior temporal regions by ~455 msec. Medial
frontal activation peaked at ~445 msec and decreased with repetition
(data not shown). Activity remained strong in the above regions and was
greater to novel word stems until ~500 msec.
Finally, from ~510 msec onward, activation began to fade in lateral
regions of the cortex and temporal pole. The differential response
shifted to inferior ventral temporal cortex, in which it was stronger
to repeated word stems until ~530 msec, after which all differential
activity became minimal.
Activation at individual sites
Figures 2 and 3 show snapshots of the estimated activity over the
entire lateral and ventral aspects of the cortical surface at selected
moments in time. An alternative method for visualizing activation is to
plot the normalized estimated dipole strength at selected locations at
all latencies (Fig. 4). These time
courses support the same general points made by the movies: (1) the
posterior occipital lobe was activated with a short latency and equally for novel and repeated word stems; (2) slightly more anterior occipital
sites showed later activation, which peaked at ~165 msec and did not
change with repetition; (3) posteroventral temporal sites (centered
within the lateral occipitotemporal sulcus) showed an early increased
activity to repeated word stems; (4) the planum temporale responded at
approximately the same time but did not show a repetition effect until
later, when it responded more to novel word stems; and (5) the anterior
temporal lobe and (6) the inferior frontal gyrus were the last areas to
be engaged and showed larger responses to repeated word stems.

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Figure 4.
Time courses for selected location. Occipital
regions are activated early and do not change with repetition, whereas
more anterior regions activate later and show strong repetition
effects.
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DISCUSSION |
MEG was used to map the spatiotemporal orchestration of brain
regions involved in the generation of words to visually presented word
stems and their modification during repetition priming. As summarized
in Table 1, the response during
novel word-stem completion followed a posterior-to-anterior sequence
with distinct spatiotemporal stages. The earliest
activation was in the occipital pole, followed by the anteroventral
occipital cortex. Activation subsequently spread to a region at or near
classically defined Wernicke's area, as well as portions of the
ventral temporal cortex, then to anterior temporal and prefrontal
cortex near classically defined Broca's area, and finally to medial
frontal cortex. Thus, the earliest area to be activated was cortex,
which has been shown to contain retinotopic representations of foveal
vision (Sereno et al., 1995 ), whereas the last area was within cortex
associated with late phases of verbal response production (Penfield and
Roberts, 1959 ; Fiez and Petersen, 1998 ). The timing of activation, from
visual processing to Wernicke's and then Broca's areas, provides a
striking consistency with the major components of classical models of
language processing (Geschwind, 1965 ; Benson, 1979 ). In addition,
activation in ventral occipital and temporal areas extends the results
of previous neuroimaging studies, suggesting that these regions have an
important role in language processing.
Classical language areas
Between 200 and 500 msec, there was strong activity in and near
Wernicke's area; from ~370 msec onward, there was also activity in
and near Broca's area. The activation in Wernicke's area involved what would, in other contexts, be considered to be auditory association cortex. Although the current results do not identify the process performed by this area, similar activation has been found in other studies in which words are generated in response to visually presented letter strings (Frith et al., 1991 ; Demonet et al., 1992 ; Raichle et
al., 1994 ; Menard et al., 1996 ; Buckner et al., 2000 ). These findings
lend support to a core assumption of classical language models: that
auditory (or perhaps polymodal) association cortex in the posterior
superior temporal region participates in the encoding of visually
presented stimuli associated with word or word-like forms.
Late activation near Broca's area suggests that it may participate in
the late stages of word production. Neuroimaging studies with PET,
fMRI, iERPs, and MEG have found activation in this region even when no
overt or covert verbal response was required (Halgren et al.,
1994b ; Buckner et al., 2000 ; Dale et al., 2000 ). It appears that
the left posteroventral prefrontal cortex may be involved in the
manipulation of higher-level language representations that are
temporally extended and occur late in the act of word production (for
review, see Gabrieli et al., 1998 ; Smith et al., 1998 ; Ungerleider et
al., 1998 ), perhaps to guide response selection (Thompson-Schill et
al., 1999 ).
Visual association cortex
Subsequent to initial localization within the occipital pole,
activation rapidly spread to ventral anterior occipital cortex. A
variety of neuropsychological, neurophysiological, and neuroimaging data in humans and animals identify this region as part of the ventral
visual pathway used in the processing of visual stimuli as objects
(Ungerleider and Mishkin, 1982 ; Ungerleider and Haxby, 1994 ; Farah,
1995 ). Evidence for wordform-specific activation in this area
has been found with iERPs (Nobre and McCarthy, 1995 ), MEG (Salmelin et
al., 2000 ), and hemodynamic imaging (Petersen and Fiez, 1993 ). The
response observed in the current study was initially bilateral at
~125-145 msec and then clearly 2lateralized to the left hemisphere
at ~165-190 msec. The later activation is occurring in a location
anterior to the retinotopic visual areas (Tootell et al., 1998 ) and at
a time closely following their recruitment (Regan, 1989 ). In addition,
previous iERP studies have reported a language or word-form-specific
negativity at similar latencies within the ventral anterior occipital
cortex (Nobre et al., 1994 ; Allison et al., 1999 ).
A similar activation is observed with faces and has been suggested to
embody a material-specific encoding stage (Halgren et al.,
1994a , 2000 ; Allison et al., 1999 ; Haxby et al., 2000 ). Together with these previous results, the current study suggests that word stems
may pass through a specific encoding stage in the left ventral occipitotemporal cortex from ~165 to 190 msec, mediating between earlier visual and later cognitive processing; this process is likely
associated with learned word forms.
Posteroventral temporal cortex
At the same time that activation spreads from the putative
word-form area to Wernicke's area, it also spreads to left
posteroventral temporal cortex, including parts of the fusiform and
inferior temporal gyri. Electrical stimulation of this area has been
found to produce profound and specific language deficits (Burnstine et
al., 1990 ; Luders et al., 1991 ). The location of this activation, just
anterior to the putative word-form area in inferotemporal cortex, and
the timing of this activation, just after the putative word-form
activation (beginning ~200 msec after word stem presentation onset),
are both consistent with this activation supporting visual access to
the lexical representations. Some models suggest that highly familiar
words are preferentially processed through direct visual access (for
review, see Humphreys and Evett, 1985 ; Caplan, 1990 ). This may
correspond to the current observation that the left posteroventral
activation was much larger in response to repeated word stems.
Consistent with this speculation, a recent fMRI study found that
well-learned mirror-reversed words also evoked increased activation in
what appears to be the same area (Poldrack et al., 1998 ). However,
repeated normal whole words do not always evoke increased activation in
this area (Dale et al., 2000 ). These data suggest that this area may be
especially invoked when, after sufficient training, word-like stimuli
(i.e., reversed words or word stems) come to automatically evoke a
lexical representation.
Anterior temporal cortex
Prominent activation was also observed in the anterior temporal
lobe, with an onset latency longer than Wernicke's or posteroventral temporal areas. Like Broca's area, anterior temporal activation decreased in response to repeated word stems. These
repetition-induced decreases were maximal from ~365 to 500 msec,
corresponding in location and timing to a previous MEG-fMRI study of
repetition priming to visually presented words (Dale et al., 2000 ).
Furthermore, anteroventral temporal iERP responses to words are also
sensitive to repetition (Smith et al., 1986 ; Halgren et al.,
1994a ) and semantic priming (Nobre et al., 1994 ). The
repetition-induced decline in Broca's area has been observed
previously with PET and fMRI (for review, see Buckner et al., 2000 ), as
well as with iERP.
Frontotemporal activation at ~400 msec in language tasks appears to
correspond to the scalp-recorded, event-related potential component
termed the N400 (Dale et al., 2000 ). The N400 is evoked by potentially
meaningful stimuli, such as words and faces, and is modulated by the
"ease" of integrating the stimulus with a cognitive context (for
review, see Rugg, 1987 ; Kutas and Van Petten, 1988 ; Halgren, 1990 ). The
amplitude of this response is attenuated by stimulus repetition, as was
the anteroventral temporal and posteroventral prefrontal activation in
the current study. These studies suggest that the N400, and thus the
associated anteroventral temporal activation, embody supramodal
cognitive integration at the semantic level (Damasio et al., 1996 ).
Spatiotemporal integration in visual language processing
In summary, the current study found a progression of activation
during word-stem completion, beginning bilaterally in the occipital
pole and then shifting to ventral occipital cortex. Activity quickly
lateralized to the left anterior occipital cortex and then spread to
ventral and dorsal posterior temporal areas, followed by anterior
temporal and finally posteroventral prefrontal cortex. In the final
stage, there was sustained coactivation of all of the above areas, with
the exception of posterior occipital cortex. This sustained activation
may permit multiple sources of lexical information (i.e., phonemic,
orthographic, and semantic) to converge (possibly within Broca's area)
and constrain verbal response selection.
In the current study, the sustained activation to novel word stems was
greatly abbreviated and attenuated when they were repeated. That is,
the early repetition-induced increase in posteroventral temporal cortex
was followed by a widespread decrease in frontotemporal cortex. It is
tempting to infer that repeated presentation allows word stems to
directly activate lexical representations without involving widespread
integrative mechanisms.
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FOOTNOTES |
Received Sept. 14, 2000; revised Feb. 28, 2001; accepted Mar. 2, 2001.
This work was supported by the United States Public Health Service
[National Institutes of Health (NIH) Grant NS18741], by the National
Foundation for Functional Brain Imaging (Department of Energy
Grant DE-FG03-99ER62764), and by NIH Grant MH57506. We thank Bruce
Fischl, Arthur Liu, Thomas Witzel, Jeff Lewine, Bruce Rosen, and David Caplan.
Correspondence should be addressed to Dr. Eric Halgren, Massachusetts
General Hospital, Nuclear Magnetic Resonance Center, Room 2301, Building 149, 13th Street, Charlestown, MA 02129. E-mail: halgren{at}nmr.mgh.harvard.edu.
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