Automatic processing of political preferences in the human brain
Highlights
► Brain responses reflect political preferences without deliberation and attention. ► Activation in ventral striatum encodes preferences for task-irrelevant politicians. ► Activation in insula and cingulate cortex reflects preference for associated parties. ► Activation in insula and cingulate cortex co-varies with future donations to parties.
Introduction
In times of elections, huge budgets are spent on campaigns to inform political preferences and convince people to vote for particular candidates and their affiliated political parties. Recent findings indicate, however, that political preferences are by no means a prime exemplar for deliberate decisions but are considerably shaped by fast, automatic processes. Rapid judgments of competence based solely on the facial appearance of candidates were shown to reliably predict the outcome of elections (Ballew and Todorov, 2007, Todorov et al., 2005). Moreover, implicit measures of attitudes that assess automatic evaluative associations (Greenwald et al., 1998) were found to improve the prediction of supposedly deliberate behavior such as political voting (Friese et al., 2007, Galdi et al., 2008, Karpinski et al., 2005). Furthermore, incidental exposure to environmental cues and irrelevant events has been suggested to shape political choices without participants' awareness (Berger et al., 2008, Carter et al., 2011, Hassin et al., 2007, Healy et al., 2010).
Such automatic processing – guiding human judgments and choices in the absence of conscious deliberation – has previously been found to be reflected in brain responses for non-political stimuli. Neural activation has been shown to reflect preferences for paintings, houses and unknown faces when participants evaluated stimuli with respect to other, non-preference-related aspects (Kim et al., 2007, Lebreton et al., 2009). Activation patterns obtained in the absence of conscious deliberation were also reported to predict subsequent preferences for cars even when attention was diverted from potential choice options (Tusche et al., 2010).
Based on this evidence, we investigated whether brain responses track political preferences when political stimuli (i.e., images of national politicians) are presented to participants outside the focus of attention. We hypothesized that preferences for politicians might be encoded in brain areas such as the ventral striatum (VS), the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC), the anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), and the insula that have previously been shown to be involved in automatic valuation and incidental processing of popularity of socially tagged stimuli (Kim et al., 2007, Lebreton et al., 2009, Mason et al., 2009, Tusche et al., 2010). Following up on findings that preferences for politicians can be predicted based on rapid inferences from viewing their faces, we assumed that judgments based on the visual appearance of political candidates might mediate these preference judgments (Antonakis and Dalgas, 2009, Ballew and Todorov, 2007, Spezio et al., 2008, Todorov et al., 2005). Given the human capacity of rapid face recognition and automatic retrieval of person knowledge (Gobbini and Haxby, 2007, Todorov et al., 2007), we further hypothesized that task-irrelevant images of prominent politicians might automatically activate mental representations of affiliated parties. Hence, in a second step, we examined whether brain responses obtained during automatic processing of images of national politicians also reflect preferences for associated political parties. Taking advantage of the fact that preferences for a number of German politicians and for their affiliated political parties differ significantly, we used behavioral pretests to identify national politicians who were valued and appreciated, independent of participants' attitudes towards the associated parties. Likewise, we were able to determine several politicians who were consistently judged as rather unpopular — even if they belonged to the preferred political party (Fig. 1A). This allowed us to select politicians such that participants' valuations of politicians were matched across parties and permitted us to disentangle preferences for associated parties from politician-specific processing.
Participants were instructed to perform a demanding visual fixation task while their brain responses were measured using fMRI. At unpredictable intervals, task-irrelevant images of politicians were passively presented in the background while the fixation task continued. Subsequent to scanning, participants' political preferences were measured both for passively viewed politicians and for affiliated parties. Importantly, during the acquisition of brain responses, participants were not aware that political preference judgments would be required later on. We then investigated whether brain responses reflect participants' preferences for the unattended politicians as well as for the associated political parties. Finally, we tested whether automatic preference-related processing in the brain extends to real-world behavior such as voluntary donations.
Section snippets
Participants
Twenty healthy volunteers (aged between 22 and 33 years, 7 female) participated in the fMRI session and the behavioral posttest. Both sections of the experiment were approved by the local ethics committee. All participants were German native speakers, free of psychiatric or neurological history, had normal or corrected-to-normal vision, were right-handed and gave written informed consent. Participants were paid a fixed amount of €12 to take part in the study plus 20% of the remainder of an
Party preference
Self-reported party preference (Likert scale of − 5 to + 5) was determined by subtracting individual liking ratings for PA (Mean ± SD: − 1.56 ± 3.05, range of − 5 to + 4) from those for PB (1.11 ± 1.81, range of − 3 to + 4; at p < 0.05, two tailed paired t-test). Positive values of the preference score (2.67 ± 4.00, range of − 4 to + 9) indicated that PB was favored over PA. Implicit measures of party preference (D scores of IAT, Greenwald et al., 2003) confirmed these self-report assessments for all but one
Discussion
Research has begun to investigate neural activation that underlies the processing of political attitudes and preferences (Amodio et al., 2007, Zamboni et al., 2009), including studies on deliberative processing of political statements and simulated voting for political candidates (Bruneau and Saxe, 2010, Gozzi et al., 2010, Rule et al., 2010, Spezio et al., 2008, Westen et al., 2006). Yet the neural substrate underlying automatic processing of political preferences (Ballew and Todorov, 2007,
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